KNOTTINGLEY LOCAL HISTORY
KNOTTLA FEAST
by TERRY SPENCER, B.A. (Hons), Ph D
FROM FAIRS, FESTIVALS and FROLICS,
KNOTTINGLEY, Circa 1840 - 2003
Volume One (2003)

(above) Aire Street, the traditional site for Knottingley Feast
The modern image of the fair is one of outdoor entertainment for
pleasure seeking people but such a concept is one which has developed
over the last two centuries being born as a result of the Industrial
Revolution.
The linguistic term ‘fair’ derives from the Latin word ‘feriae’
meaning holidays and also ‘forum’; a market place. (1) Thus the two
definitions combine to produce the basic elements of a fair; a festive
occasion and an open space conducive to the transaction of business.
While it is true that fairs in the pre industrial era catered for
pleasure-seekers this aspect was secondary to commercial opportunities
and the consequent business transactions arising from such events. (2)
The origin of ‘Knottla Feast’ is lost in the mists of antiquity but it
is clearly evident that the event was directly connected with
ecclesiastical observance for the predominant factor in the
establishment of any fair was the gathering of the inhabitants of any
community at their local church on an occasion of religious significance
for that community, such as the feast day of the saint to whom the
church was dedicated.
It is reasonable therefore, to assume that the feast at Knottingley
began as a Church Ale held on the 17th June each year to mark the feast
day of St. Botolph, the dedicatee of the chapel of ease which served the
local community and as there is architectural evidence that such a
chapel was in existence by early Norman times one may conject that the
towns fair dates from the early medieval period.
The earliest manifestation was probably in the form of a church
service followed by sports and feasting attended by friends and
acquaintances. An increasingly important element however, was the
opportunity presented by social intercourse for business of a commercial
nature to be undertaken. Thus, within a relatively short space of time
the annual event became an economic as well as a religious institution,
pleasure being an adjunct of the feast day.
From the earliest times business was conducted within the confines of
the church yard but as time progressed the lay elements with the
emphasis on business and jollification rather than religious observation
began to be regarded as deplorable by the Church authorities,
particularly as such activities began to encroach upon the precincts of
the church, and such activities were therefore discouraged by the local
clergy and the church wardens. By the late thirteenth century it had
become necessary to formulate statutes making the holding of fairs in
churchyards illegal and it may be that at this period Knottingley feast
began to be held on the Flatts, an area of common land lying close of
St. Botolph’s Church. (3)
The thirteenth century was one of substantial social and economic
change at Knottingley. The establishment of corn and fulling mills
alongside the River Aire at the Western edge of the manor during the
previous century had resulted in the construction of a weir across the
river to provide the motive power for the mills and this necessitated
the transhipment at Knottingley of all goods carried on the waterway.
(4) Thus, by the thirteenth century the settlement was already a
significant inland port which not only served to victual Pontefract
Castle but controlled the distribution of goods and materials over a
wide area of the county of Yorkshire. (5)
The development of trade allied to demographic expansion resulted in
the reorganisation of the manor of Knottingley with the realignment and
extension of the open field system and the development of secondary
areas of settlement such as those of Racca and Fernley (Swinley) Green.
(6)
Developmental circumstances therefore favoured the relocation and
enlargement of the local fair. The thriving river port would also ensure
the attendance of buyers and sellers and casual visitors from distant
parts to swell the throng, bringing goods and produce to meet the
requirements of the local populace, while the proximity of Pontefract
Castle, guarding the land and water routes of the surrounding district
was sufficient to warrant the security and prosperity of the fair.
It must be emphasised however, that the evidence concerning the origin
and development of Knottingley fair is circumstantial. Fairs could only
be established by Royal Charter of Act of Parliament from the medieval
period and there is no extant documentation concerning the manor of
Knottingley. However, many early charters cannot be traced even for
otherwise well documented fairs which are therefore deemed to be fairs
of ancient prescription. It is known that as late as the mid-eighteenth
century the Honour of Pontefract, of which Knottingley was a constituent
part, held no less than nine fairs, one of which may well have been
associated with Knottingley. Furthermore, early grants frequently
specify fairs of four days duration commencing on the eve of the
patrimonial festival, a pattern which applied at Knottingley until quite
recent times.
As early as 1186 King Henry II granted to Henry de Lacy, Lord of the
Honour of Pontefract, the right to hold a fair on St. Giles day (7)
Henry de Lacy held the Honour of Pontefract for over forty years and it
is not improbable that in his capacity of Tenant in Chief he would
permit a fair to be held at the increasingly busy and important port of
Knottingley for such a grant would ensure a significant increase in
manorial revenue from tolls levied on merchants and pedlars for the
privilege of bringing their merchandise to the fair and from dues paid
by them for the protection afforded by the lord of the manor. The right
of subsequent manorial lords to collect tolls from people using the
Flatts was asserted well into the twentieth century and suggests the
continuance of bygone observation which may have a connection with the
early day fairs. (8)
By the mid eighteenth century the combination of the Reformation,
Puritanism and indifference born of increasing secularisation had
resulted in non-observation of many of the church festivals of yore,
including the elimination of observation of many saints’ days. Further
detachment from patrimonial association occurred in 1752 with the
adoption by Britain of the Gregorian Calendar. The requisite advancement
of the date by eleven days initiated a change in the date of the
observance of the feast at Knottingley which henceforth fell within the
octave of the feast of St. James, resulting in the fair being held in
the week preceding August Bank Holiday. (9)
It was from the early nineteenth century that the character of the
local fair changed. Improvements in communications through the
establishment of turnpike roads, the construction of canals, assisted by
the enclosure of common land, promoted new methods of production and
distribution. The availability of corn and meat in all seasons of the
year resulted in the establishment of specialist markets and trade
halls. The hiring of domestic and agricultural labour had become a
feature of many old established fairs in consequence of the Black Death
and the collapse of the feudal system and the attempted regulation of
labour by the Tudor dynasty. The industrial and agricultural revolutions
of the eighteenth century increased the demand for labour which was more
readily available due to demographic expansion early in the following
century. By that time Statute (Stattis) or hiring fairs became
increasingly focused on market towns such as Pontefract and fairs held
at other venues were transformed from predominantly business affairs
with subsidiary entertainment to events in which amusements were the
principal feature.
In the early decades of the nineteenth century entertainment’s were
largely in the form of booths and sideshows featuring Punch & Judy,
waxwork exhibits, camera obscura, fortune-tellers, portrait painters or
more exotic exhibits such as caged wild beasts and freak shows. An
element of the traditional fair was retained in the form of jugglers,
tumblers, fire-eaters and stalls offering refreshments such as hot peas,
nuts and gingerbread. Similarly, the sale of merchandise such as ribbons
and lace and other soft goods was a retention of the commercial element
of the traditional fair. Such riding machines as there were relied on
manual or horsepower and were few in number.
The adaption of steam power wrought a revolution in fairground
entertainment. Scientific machines for testing weight, height or
strength supplemented mechanical rides with steam engines providing the
motive power. The advent of these rides tipped the balance of fairground
attractions from sideshows to mobile apparatus although the development
of the national railway network which ensured a wide range of goods in
local shops and regular replacement of stock was also a factor in the
decline of the trading element of the fairground. Nevertheless, by
adaptability, stalls offering brandy snap, coconuts, toffee and
foodstuffs such as jellied eels and tripe and onions continued to be a
feature of the local fair. It is against this background of developing
technology that events concerning Knottingley feast took place during
the half century before 1880. (10)
As a maritime community, life at Knottingley was punctuated by the
frequent and quite prolonged absence of seafarers from the town who
together with their families, often spent time aboard ship in the summer
season. (11) An adjunct of voyaging was that a considerable number of
local inhabitants settled in distant locations. (12) Long before the
establishment of mass communication it had become customary for exiled
natives and local mariners to return to Knottingley at feast time.
"Relations of inhabitants flocked to Knottingley on Sunday with
many sea-faring men who were in port running down to see home and
friends once more" (13) reported a local newspaper in 1890. Even in
1909 when the towns’ maritime trade had declined to a mere semblance of
its glorious past and given way to industries such as pottery and glass
manufacture, it was recorded; "Many who belong to the ‘village of
glass bottles and boats’ but are away all year, make the Feast their
holiday time. Old friends in the streets who had not met since ‘last
feast’ adjourned to the nearest tavern for a ‘pot o’ ale’ for their
health’s sake." (14)
Following the opening of the Aire and Calder canal in 1826 a further
practice arose and by mid century locally owned vessels, moored stem to
stern in a line from the Bendles to Stubbs Bridge, and dressed overall,
marked the occasion of the annual feast. (15) The feast was clearly a
time of great merrymaking, based in considerable measure on the reunion
of family and friends. The feast time was the "Season when friends
and relations from far and near pour in amongst us and everything is
hospitality and goodwill."(16)
As late as 1928 it was reported that there were "many former
inhabitants renewing acquaintance with their former homes. (17)
The influx of former residents, together with visitors attracted from
outlying districts combined to ensure that even at times of severe trade
depression and high unemployment the fair attracted a large attendance.
Indeed, such was the throng that by the 1840s the Select Vestry ordered
that Aire Street should be closed to vehicular traffic for the duration
of the feast and this decree was still being observed almost a century
later. (18)
It is of passing interest to note an attempt in 1848 to move the Feast
from its traditional site. At a meeting of the Select Vestry held on the
29th June 1848, Robert Thwaites, supported by Joseph Senior, proposed
"That the annual feast shall be in future held on Racca Green." (19)
The reason for the proposal is not recorded. Perhaps a conflict of
interest had arisen between those exercising traditional rights in
respect of the Flatts and the public in general. Equally, the
restrictions imposed upon traffic in and through the increasingly busy
commercial centre of the town may have been regarded as an unjustified
constraint and prompted the relocation of the Feast to the Racca which
at that date was an area of secondary habitation, largely rural in
character, which in the context of urban development was to remain so
for almost another forty years. With its sparse and peripherally located
dwellings and large centrally situated swathe of green, the Racca
offered an ideal site for the fair, such locations being commonly
associated with village fairs in general. Whatever the motive underlying
the proposal which was passed by the Select Vestry nem con, the measure
proved to be of temporary nature for the following year the Vestry
resolved "That the [Parish] Constable demand of the showfolk’s rent
for setting up their shews (sic) on the flatts (sic) to the amount of
£1-1-0 per night." (20)
The above resolution is the earliest indication of charges being
levied for the use of the Flatts and one may conject that the itinerant
showfolks, realising the better custom to be gained, had insisted on a
return to the traditional site of the Feast and the Vestry in conceding
to the demand had decided to seek some recompense by charging rent for
the privilege of using the site. However, there is no evidence of the
rent being collected and such payment did not become regularised until
almost twenty years later. At a meeting of the Select Vestry on the 15th
July 1867, it was again proposed to "…charge stalls, puppet shows,
Hobby-Horses and all similar erections a rent for permission to fix them
on the Flatts during the Feast & Co." (21)
The Surveyor of Highways was instructed to collect the tolls and apply
them to supplement the Highway Rate. Once again however, the proposal
was not implemented as there was insufficient time to give the requisite
public notice and organise a system of collection. That the Knottingley
public, or at least the rate paying element, favoured supplemental rates
is beyond doubt for at a Town’s Meeting on the 8th August a proposal by
William Worfolk "that a rent be charged to persons for stalls,
theatres, Hobby-Horses and similar erections for permission to erect
them on the Flatts and that no entertainment or stall &Co., to be
permitted to remain longer than one week" was greeted with unanimous
acclaim especially as a further resolution advised the local Vestry to
use the ensuing revenue "to the advantage of the township." (22)
Implementation of the resolution regarding the duration of the
showmen’s stay appears to have been somewhat difficult or lax for in
1878 the Vestry Clerk was authorised to convey to the Surveyor of
Highways the desire of the Select Vestry that steps be taken to remove
erections from the Flatts in respect of the said resolution. (23) It is
well documented that one popular feature of Knottingley Fair, Vicker’s
Alhambra Theatre (colloquially known as the ‘rag and stick theatre’)
stayed well beyond the feast period each year, being "located on the
Flatts at Feast-time and for some time afterwards" although it
appears that their season ended in late August. (24) As the Vestry
decision was dated 31st October, it therefore seems probable that the
offending parties were itinerant showmen who had made a speculative
appearance en route to a larger venue such as Hull Fair rather than
being a lingering element of the town’s feast held some months before.
The issue of levying tolls for use of the Flatts resulted in a
protracted dispute between William Worfolk and his fellow Vestrymen.
Worfolk, a shipbuilder and smallholder, had resided in the town since
1843 and in 1878 had purchased a half share of the manorial rights. A
forceful, contentious man with a penchant for litigation, Worfolk was no
stranger to controversy. (25) Worfolk asserted that the right to levy
tolls for use of the Flatts was his prerogative as the Lord of the
Manor. The uncertainty concerning the exercise of such right may account
for the hiatus which occurred between the initial decision of the Select
Vestry to levy tolls and the attempt to do so some years later. The
matter was not settled until 1908 when Knottingley Council, the
successor to the Select Vestry, obtained a legal judgement in its
favour. (26)
Meanwhile, the Select Vestry, despite its desire to charge for use of
the Flatts, was compelled to countermand Worfolk’s attempt to do so by
issuing a statement that "All person visiting the feast will be
allowed to set up their stalls, shows and other temporary erections free
during feast week and they be requested not to pay anybody whatever….for
the present year." (27)
The concluding phrase reveals the hope that the issue would be a
temporary inconvenience which once settled would allow the Vestry to
charge a toll thereafter. However, in 1881, the issue was forced when a
Town’s Meeting on a show of hands, voted against the Vestry proposal to
charge for use of the Flatts. (28) Yet despite this expression of
popular opinion the Select Vestry sought to assert its presumed
authority and in April 1883 empowered the Waywarden, George Greenhow, to
make a variable charge based upon the size of the plot of land occupied
by each showman and sought moral and legal support from the Pontefract
Highway Board. (29) Greenhow, however, met with a refusal to pay when
attempting to collect the rent from one Robert Heap and therefore
overturned Heap’s stall and the apparatus for boiling peas, scolding two
children in the process. Greenhow was subsequently sued by Heap and
others but the Pontefract Magistrates Court dismissed the cases. (30)
Incidents arising from the disputed ownership of Knottingley Flatts
are considered elsewhere (31) meanwhile the Feast continued to be
located on the Flatts until the demolition of Aire Street in the 1960s.
The transition of the Feast from traditional to modern was remarked
upon as early as 1885, comparing the contemporary scene with that "in
days gone by [when there was] nothing but the fair to amuse one’s
friends when Wild’s Theatre or some mountebank show with other similar
attractions, or the old swinging boat and the quaint merry-go-round with
some wonderful monstrosity of nature were all that could be seen
outside, or in the street or were exhibited on Flatts; but now this is
changed."
After listing the existence of the local Horticultural Show and
Athletic Sports, together with the contribution made to the local
culture by the town’s band, the writer concluded that such things "in
the days we speak of would have been thought wonderful in our rural
village." (31`)
Marvelling at the impact of technological change the writer alluded to
"Mammoth merry-go-rounds driven by steam [and] made so that the rider
might imagine he was riding on a bicycle or a beautiful horse or
enjoying a boat excursion" (32) and while "Knottingley Feast was
celebrated for its fun and merriment when dancing shows were there in
plenty that is now passed away" and "the small theatres of the
past have given way to the popular Alhambra Theatre." (33)
While the Feast of 1885 made a further acknowledgement of developing
technology in the existence of a photographers studio there were
plentiful reminders of an earlier age in the presence of a quack doctor,
freak show, bazaars and aunt sallys, bygone features which were to
continue to form a part of what was frequently and scathingly referred
to by the local press as "attendant paraphernalia"
Another attraction enhanced if not born of technological development
which appeared at Knottla Feast in 1883 was the "Ghost Show with its
thrilling sight and sounds [and] was numerously patronised" (34)
while the cinematograph show which by 1902 was sufficiently well
established to draw the adjective "usual" in a report of its
presence on the Flatts. By the turn of the twentieth century roundabouts
such as the ‘farmyard and horses’ (colloquially referred to as ‘cocks
and hens’), switchbacks, galloping horses and "roundabouts of every
description" all steam driven, were a common sight at the annual
fair.
The first application of steam power as the motive force for such
rides occurred in the mid 1860s. Before the 1880s the roundabouts
consisted of wooden horses suspended from overhead pivots with no base
or platform beneath, a format which may still be seen on many children’s
roundabouts to this day. The introduction of centrally situated engines
facilitated the adoption of a base or spinning platform incorporating
sets of ‘animal’, three or four abreast. A further development was the
division of the base platform into hinged sections to produce the ‘hills
and hollows’ undulations of the modern roundabout.
The ‘farmyard’ or variant ‘Noah’s Ark’ was so named because of the
animal figures fixed to the revolving platform while the ‘switchbacks’
were named from the motion of the platform undulations and are first
referred to at Knottingley in 1893. (35) Its presence was still a
novelty the following year when it was reported that "Tuby’s
switchback has lost none of its charms." (36)
By 1907 the scenic railway had made its appearance and by 1910 the
roundabouts whilst retaining their basic design were referred to as
‘motorised’, presumably because they had been converted from steam
powered to electrically driven machines. (37)
On the eve of the Great War the ‘Cakewalk’ and the ‘Joy Wheel’ had
joined the switchback on the Flatts and with such innovative technology
one can understand why it was that the Feast had been eagerly
"anticipated for months." (38)
Amongst the sideshows one of the most novel was the "Champion Diver
in the World" who was reported to have dived from a thirty-foot
ladder placed on board a keel. (39) Presumably the dive was into the
River Aire, although the report does not state so. If the feat was thus
undertaken it is all the more remarkable for the river is notoriously
shallow alongside the Flatts being designated as ‘Knottingley Shallows’
in ancient documents. (39) Another feature held in great esteem was the
periodic appearance of the Boxing Booth. One is mentioned on the Flatts
in 1910 although it had doubtless made an appearance long before that
date. In 1938 it is again mentioned as an arena in which "local men,
Tommy Garner, Joe Boyes and Paddy Ryan showed their metal against the
Booth boxers." (40)
The Boxing Booth provided more than an opportunity for local ‘young
bloods’ to test their manhood, for in the depressive era of the Thirties
it offered a ‘purse’ to supplement meagre income. Likewise, economic
hardship drew many aspiring boxers to the occupation of fairground
pugilist with itinerant boxing booths and a number of British and
indeed, world champions of the period immediately following the Second
World War honed their skills in fairground shows before the war. (41)
The present writer can recall three visits to Knottingley Feast by the
renown Bosco’s Booth’ in the years immediately following the war, and
indeed, participating in one bout circa 1951, albeit against local
opposition. Interestingly, during the second such visit the booth was
situated on a sliver of waste ground near the east-end of the Flatts but
at the opposite side of the road.
Shooting galleries became a popular feature at fairgrounds in the last
quarter of the nineteenth century. The semi-rural aspect of Knottingley
township at that time together with the numerous rural settlements in
the vicinity meant that firearms were in common use throughout the
district in order to control vermin or to shoot rabbits and hares to
supplement the diet of frequently large and impoverished working class
families. In addition, the existence of regiments of local militia
assisted the popularisation of shooting galleries. At the Feast of 1878
two such galleries were set up for their respective proprietors, John
Robinson and Caroline Tuby, were charged at Pontefract Magistrates Court
in July that year with permitting the discharge of a rifle within 50
yards of the highway. It was stated in their defence that the rifles
were fired to clean them as otherwise it would be dangerous for public
use and that such a practice was permissible in other towns. The court
took a different view however, and the gallery proprietors were fined 2s
6d, plus costs. (42)
Gambling was prohibited in public but there seems to have been a fine
distinction as to what constituted gambling. Thus, ‘roll-a-penny’ and,
at a later date ‘slot machines’ were regarded as acceptable fairground
features while other games of chance were not. In 1879, four men were
charged with playing ‘Billy Fairplay’ at Knottingley Feast. The game was
one in which money was gambled on the ultimate destination of a marble
which was rolled down a board sub-divided into coloured sections. It was
averred on behalf of the accused that the game was allowed to be played
by gentlemen at Pontefract Races but was a pleasure denied to workingmen
attending the fair. Regardless of this assertion (or perhaps because of
it??) the four accused were taken into custody, fined £1 each, with
costs, and threatened with one months hard labour in default of payment
of the fine. (43)
Vickers Alhambra Theatre was an evergreen feature at Knottingley Feast
for more than 40 consecutive years. A reference in 1881 to the tenth
anniversary appearance of Mr. Vicker’s Royal Alhambra Theatre reveals
the date of its first appearance on the Flatts, a fact confirmed by a
much later statement that the theatre "has visited the town annually
for considerably over 20 years." (44)
However welcome to the generality the travelling theatre had some
critics within the town who for reasons of religious belief, whether
sincerely or sanctimoniously expressed, regarded such entertainment’s as
morally harmful. Indeed, for generation upon generation the public
authorities had paid lip service to such a belief, albeit as a cover for
the suppression of potential anti-establishment propaganda and theatre
shows were only permitted by the issue of a licence by the Lord
Chamberlains Office. It was only from the mid nineteenth century when
constraints were eased somewhat, that theatre performances became a
feature of fairground sites, although a degree of censorship continued
to be exercised by the Lord Chamberlains Office until beyond the middle
of the following century.



(above) Photographs depicting Knottingley Feast
Travelling theatres had in fact visited Knottingley Feast before 1870
but as the item previously quoted reveals, were less imposing than that
of Mr. Vickers (45) which apart from being of grander appearance and
consisting of a ‘choice company’ also presented a programme which
"provided healthy recreation and thereby raised the moral tone." (46)
The popularity of the ‘rag and stick’ theatre as it was affectionately
known is testified by numerous local newspaper references to its being
"one of the old attraction", and "well patronised past and present."
(47)
Consequently there were "Spicy melodramas at Mr. Vicker’s theatre
which was crowded every night" (48) and again, "No one does it
better at Knottingley Feast than Mr. Vicker’s theatre which is crowded
every night." (49)
So popular was the Royal Alhambra Theatre that within a few years of
its first appearance it had established an extended seasonal stay,
continuing to provide performances beyond the traditional duration of
the Feast, being
"located on the Flatts at Feast time and for some time afterwards."
The theatre invariably enjoyed a ‘successful run’ right up to the close
of the season which terminated at the end of August. (50)
To show his appreciation of the constant patronage Mr. Vicker’s sought
to give something back to the community. On Thursday 12th August 1880
for instance, Vickers provided a tea at the Buck Inn for all women of
Knottingley who were over 60 years of age. A report in the local press
refers to the event as being "in accordance with a custom established
for several years" thereby revealing that such largesse was afforded
by the grateful proprietor within a few years of the initial appearance
of the show at Knottingley. Following the tea the assemblage repaired to
the theatre, standing across the road on the Flatts, and enjoyed an
entertainment provided by the theatre company. (51)
Almost a quarter of a century later the event was still being observed
for on Wednesday 21st September 1904, an ‘Old Folks Treat’ was held in
Knottingley Town Hall. The theatre orchestra played selections
throughout the tea which was followed by a short dance before the guests
were taken to the theatre to see a performance of ‘Our Baby’. (52) The
above event was probably the last held in that particular form for there
is no record of such after 1904. However, benefit performances took
place after that date. In 1907 the subscription list of Pontefract
Dispensary Committee reveals a donation of £3-6-0 by Mrs. Vickers, from
which it would appear that the proprietorship of the theatre had passed
into the hands of that lady. (53) By that date the practise of holding
shows to raise funds for local charity had become more widespread among
the fairground community. On the last Tuesday of July, 1907, Mrs.
Vickers and another proprietor gave benefit performances for the
Dispensary funds and the following evening Farrars’ Cinematograph Show
devoted takings from the last performance to the same cause. (54)
Benefit performances continued on an annual basis thereafter and it is
interesting to note that in 1908 the theatre proprietor was a Mrs.
North, which may be an indication that Mrs Vickers had either disposed
of the theatre or had perhaps remarried. (55)
In 1896 it was reported that, "As big a muster of shows on the
Flatts as ever which seemed to get their share of loose coppers. On
Sunday an effort was made to try to drain some of the oddments into a
more useful channel – the coffers of the Pontefract Dispensary." (56)
In the light of Vickers’ obvious generosity the comment may seem
somewhat harsh but whether by dint of implied criticism or the desire to
emulate the example of Mrs Vickers, there is no doubt that the dawn of a
new century was characterised by a new era of benevolence on the part of
the showfolks.
Barkers circus, in attendance with the Feast in 1902, gave a big-top
entertainment with half the proceeds donated to Pontefract Dispensary
and the same season Harry Tuby’s roundabouts were run for one hour with
the entire proceeds donated to the Dispensary. (57) Thereafter the
system was expanded. In 1907 several proprietors donated one hours
takings. In 1930 it was reported that "The showmen displayed their
customary generosity by giving a portion of their takings to the funds
of the Knottingley Infirmary Committee despite heavy rain affecting
attendance." (58)
The gesture had been repeated annually throughout the early decades of
the twentieth century, with two hours proceeds being given by 1934. (59)
A principal attraction at the Feast in 1883 was a "circus with all
its feminine talent" (60) and in 1902 Bakers Circus formed an
integral element of the fairground attractions. However, circus and
fair, while generally regarded as allied forms of entertainment,
normally retained separate identities.
A regular visitor to the town for at least half a century was
‘Wombwells’ Royal Menagerie of birds, beasts and reptiles which is
recorded at Knottingley as early as 1863 and at frequent intervals until
just before the Great War. (61) In 1881 Fosset’s Grand Circus visited
the town on ‘Feast Monday’, albeit in an independent capacity. On that
occasion, a parade led by a ‘car’ containing the circus musicians and
followed by a retinue of outriders, clowns and animals toured the
streets of Knottingley. A well attended children’s matinee in the
afternoon was followed by a crowded evening performance, the circus
commanding a combined audience of about 2,000 during its brief stay.
(62) Again, in the wake of the Feast, Bailey’s renown Circus came to
town on Monday 10th August 1896. Occupying Howard’s Field, Gas House
Lane, the entourage gave afternoon and evening performances to large and
appreciative audiences before striking camp. (63) At other times,
usually in the spring season or early autumn, circuses came and went,
not always to the delight of some residents. When ‘Sir’ Robert Fosset’s
circus revisited the town on a Saturday in August 1906, it drew a large
attendance to the great disadvantage of an evening entertainment
promoted by the Oddfellows Friendly Society in Knottingley Town Hall.
(64) For the most part, however, the circus was a welcome event which
guaranteed a large attendance, even when the visitation occurred on a
normal working day. The visit of ‘Lord’ George Sanger’s circus on
Wednesday 20th May 1896 was advertised by a procession of "immense
length and interest" resulting in a well attended afternoon
performance followed in the evening by a ‘crowded tent’ for a
performance described as "Far in excess of the usual travelling circus."
(65) and ending with a representation of the Sudan War. (65)
With such a memorable performance it is a wonder that the visit by
Bailey’s circus a few months later wasn’t regarded as an anti-climax but
there are no recorded complaints.
Sanger’s returned to Howard’s Field in October 1912. Known as the
‘Hippodrome’ and complete with a menagerie and numerous caravans and
trailers, the noon day procession drew large attendances for the varied
programme of events within the huge circus tent. Muggy weather and a
rain soaked site did nothing to detract from the enjoyment of the
programme which included many animal acts. The show took place on
Wednesday and the following day the troupe decamped for Hemsworth where
the show was scheduled for Friday. (66)
In terms of sheer spectacle the fair could not compete with the exotic
aura of the circus but for the thrill engendered by the monstrous
high-speed wonders of modern technology the fair was equally as
exciting. In an age lacking the soi dissent ‘sophistication’ of
contemporary society, one in which simple pleasures gave delight, both
forms of entertainment were welcomed and continued to visit the town for
many years.
As early as 1910 the showmen had introduced a ‘Spring Fair’ which was
of considerable size. The attractions that year included a scenic
railway, switchbacks, and cinematograph shows in addition to the usual
range of ancillary items. The fair drew crowds to the Flatts each night
including, somewhat surprisingly, a Sunday evening film show featuring
the funeral of King Edward VII which was ‘greatly appreciated.’ (67)
While sources make clear that the ‘Spring Fair’ was of recent origin,
being ‘added in recent years’, and had become a regular feature from the
late 1940s, such was by no means the case in the early decades. A report
of 1932 refers to the appearance of the fairground apparatus as "an
unexpected treat" arranged by the ‘amusement caterers’ as a stop
over whilst en-route elsewhere. (68)
On the 27th July 1901, Cr. William Bagley whilst attending a meeting
of Knottingley Urban District Council proposed that the date of
Knottingley Feast be altered from the last week in July to coincide with
the August Bank Holiday. (69) The following year a petition bearing 700
signatures in favour of the proposed change was presented to the
Council. The petition was prompted by local manufacturers, led by
Bagley, who in accordance with tradition closed their works for the
duration of the Feast and again the following (Bank Holiday) weekend.
Bagley, head of the largest of the town’s glassworks, claimed that
closure of the works for the Feast occurred in the run up to the
nationally observed holiday when goods were most required. By moving the
Feast date Bagley asserted, the break would take place when there was
little or no demand for goods and the movement of goods was in abeyance
due to the temporary cessation of railway freight. The manufacturers
further contended that the benefit arising from the Feast to local
inhabitants was confined to two casual days whereas local industry
conferred benefits for 363 days of the year. Doubt was also cast upon
the financial benefit bestowed by the fair which critics argued took
money away from the town.
The tradesmen of the town were against the proposal. As many of them
had businesses located in Aire Street they benefited from the extra
custom generated by the Feast, trade which would be lost if the Feast
were to be incorporated into the Bank Holiday weekend when their
premises would be closed.
The Council had no power to decree a change in the date but by
declining to let the Flatts in the week before the Bank Holiday could
exert a subtle influence in favour of the proposed change. As the local
manufacturers were well represented on the council it was feared that
any direct action by the Council would be interpreted by the public as
pandering to vested interest. Recourse was therefore made to the Home
Office to sanction the change of Feast date. The Home Secretary replied
that he did not have the power to authorise the change and the matter
was therefore left in abeyance pro tem. However, led by Bagley, the
manufacturers continued with sporadic agitation and in 1906 the proposal
was revived. The following year the Council passed a resolution "That
the Flatts be not let for Feast purposes except on and after the
Wednesday on the week prior to Bank Holiday and that this decision be
advertised in the Yorkshire Post and other papers."
The townsfolk, resenting the ‘back door’ action of the Council in
effecting a change in the date of the feast without public consultation
were incensed. Led by Mr. J. Drinkwater and Cr. G. Brown, a Town’s
Meeting was convened in the Chapel Street School one Thursday evening in
mid-June 1907. Of seven members of the council present on the occasion,
three, William Bagley, John Jackson and John Harker, were local
manufacturers while a fourth, G.W Reynolds, was employed by Bagley. The
convener of the meeting, J.W. Bentley, was unanimously elected as
chairman of the meeting and opened proceedings by calling upon Cr.
Jackson to explain the decision of the Council. Jackson stated that in
passing the resolution the councillors thought that they were carrying
out the wishes of the townspeople. However, in the course of the meeting
Cr. Reynolds revealed that he had several times been stopped in the
street by tradesmen who had accused the Council of ‘hole in the corner’
conduct to suit the manufacturers (although he supported the proposed
alteration which, in keeping with his employer, thought would suit the
workers). John Drinkwater said the Council ought to have sought the
opinion of the ratepayers and pressed Jackson into revealing William
Bagley as the motivator of the Council’s recent action. Jackson said
Bagley’s deserved the greatest consideration, having made the town what
it was. Bagley, himself, claimed that the Council had acted
constitutionally and stated that his firm paid more than £350 per annum
in rates and over £1,000 per week in wages. The firm had lost so much
through the clashing of the holidays that henceforth he was determined
to close his works for Bank Holiday only.
Reynolds moved confirmation of the Council’s action, being seconded by
Bagley, but Mr. H. Coultas countered with a motion of condemnation of
the Council and on a show of hands the latter motion was carried by 51
votes to 30 amidst loud applause.
Bagley demanded an immediate poll but it was countered by a proposal
that the Council resolution be withheld for the current year and the
local public be polled on the issue. The counter proposal being carried
by approximately the same margin as the earlier vote, the Chairman
declared that in his capacity of Overseer of the Poor he would make
arrangements for a public vote on the matter. (70) Following the Town’s
Meeting a special meeting of the K.U.D.C was convened on the 23rd July
in accordance with notice given by Cr. G. Brown. At the meeting Brown
moved that the Council resolution of the 23rd August 1906 be rescinded
but the motion failed for want of a seconder. (71)
In accordance with their declared intent the manufacturers declined to
shut their works down for the Feast. The move was a prime example of
force majeure for few workers could afford to take two days voluntary
absence and ran the risk of dismissal if they did (72), as evinced by
the case of Albi Pogmore, an employee of Bagley & Co., Ltd. Who, a few
years later was claimed against in the local magistrates court for
absenting himself from work at feast time. (73)
The uncertainty arising from the controversy was further exacerbated
by a revival of the dispute concerning the ownership of the Flatts as a
consequence of which Mr. Thomas Worfolk took it upon himself to remove
the posts and chains installed by the council in order to provide the
itinerant showmen with access to the fairground in defiance of the
Council. Having repeated this action the following year the Council sued
Worfolk in the High Court and judgement was entered against him with an
injunction restraining him from future trespass on the Flatts. (74)
Dr. Terry Spencer
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