The Munich agreement of 1938 merely proved to be a prelude to war, the public expectation of which was confirmed when Germany marched into Czechoslovakia in March 1939. Between Munich and the outbreak of the war in September 1939 measures were taken in preparation for the impending conflict as the government and quasi-governmental agencies began to exert control over aspects of everyday life. Such measures impacted on localities in general and upon people and organizations in particular.

For Carters’ Knottingley Brewery Co., Ltd., the preparations for war provided an unexpected additional source of income. In May 1939 the Police Service at Featherstone requested the use of the clubroom and billiard room at the Featherstone Hotel for use as a venue for A[ir] R[aid] P[caution] classes. A one year tenancy agreement was formulated with the A.R.P. paying rent and rates, the lease being subject to six months’ notice of cancellation by either party thereafter. Similarly, at Knottingley the A.R. P. initially rented a room at the Railway Hotel as a wardens’ base. (1)

The disused brewery buildings were also utilised. The former wine & spirit store was rented by the town council at 15s per week for use as a mortuary, thereby revealing the general expectation of mass bombing and high mortality following the outbreak of war. Further interest was shown in the brewery garages for which the company sought a rent of £30 per year. (2) The contrasting fortunes of war between the company and the local council is illustrated by the fact that the garage rent was reduced from £39 p.a. following the intervention of the District Valuer in 1940. In July 1941 the same official reassessed the premises and decided that the rent should be £22 exclusive of rates as the Urban District Council was

“unable to pay more under present circumstances.” (3)

Consideration of cost may have deterred the K.U.D.C. from renting the empty former Aire Street Hotel as use for A.R.P. headquarters, the company seeking a yearly rent of £50.(4) By August 1940, however, the Aire Street premises, together with the Turk’s Head and Pine Apple inns, Pontefract, were requisitioned by the military authorities desperate for temporary accommodation for servicemen in the wake of the Dunkirk evacuation in May. (5)

Allied to the expectation of bombing raids was the need to provide an adequate fire service to counter the effects of the anticipated raids throughfire control and search and rescue activity. The local voluntary fire brigade had long occupied premises on the brewery site belonging to the company and following the outbreak of war the lease was extended to include the upper storey of the former bottling plant at an additional cost of 5s per week, plus rates. Permission was given for the erection of a drying stand for hosepipes on an adjacent piece of the site, a nominal charge of 1s being levied on the Council (6)

Elsewhere, garages at the Moorthorpe and Airedale hotels were commandeered by respective local authorities at which time the K.U.D.C. were showing an interest in obtaining the use of the garages on the brewery site. The approach was changed, however, to an offer to purchase a single garage, which was rejected by the company. (7) The use to which the garages were put is generally unspecified in January 1942, however, one of the company’s garages at the Northfield Hotel was rented for use as a fire station. (8) It seems more likely that the garages were requisitioned for transport purposes in connection with the distribution of food and essential supplies in emergency situations. In this context the acquisition by the Ministry of Works of the brewing room and cellars for storage purposes in February 1941, together with the old bottling store as a military workshop and repair centre, may be of significance. (9)

The assistance of the company was also required in the provision of public air raid shelters. In January 1940 the local council as the agent for the West Riding County Council, approached the company seeking its co-operation in the establishment of a public shelter at Hill Top, Knottingley. The council proposed to utilise the tunnel which ran under the road, the entrance to which was on the edge of the brewery estate. The tunnel had been dug during the previous century to enable limestone from the quarries at the south side of Weeland Road to be trundled along a tramway to the staithes situated at the canal on the north side. (10) The council sought permission to make a slight alteration to the existing entrance to enable public access whilst ensuring retention privacy by the company of the brewery site and with the proviso that no right of way would be established and restoration of the original lay-out at the end of the war. The company acceded to the request in February 1940. (11) Concerning air raids, in common with the employees at other workplaces throughout the land, the brewery workforce undertook ‘fire-watching’ duties on a rotational basis at the brewery site, staying on the premises overnight to raise the alarm and take action in the event of incendiary air raids. (12)

The public fear of heavy bombing and collateral damage led the company’s insurance broker, Jepsons, to recommend enemy risks goods insurance in addition to its normal premiums. The board, however, more in hope than self-assurance one feels, decided to take no action at that time. (13) In May 1941, however, prompted by the terms of the War Damage Act (Part 2) and following consultation with Jepsons, regarding company liability in respect of tenants’ and managers’ fixtures and fittings within company premises, insurance to the value of £5,225 was obtained. (14)

The acquisition of brewery space by government agencies had its origin in a site visit in October 1940 by a Ministry of Works surveyor, quickly followed by a representative of the Ministry of Food & Supply. (15) Simultaneously, the local council was given permission to install an electric motor in a supplementary capacity to that of the company, to work the pump of the brewery well in the event of a wartime emergency affecting the public supply. (16)

A government sponsored scheme to encourage self-sufficiency and aid food production, thereby lessening the dependency on imported foodstuffs, was the national ‘Dig for Victory’ campaign. In furtherance of this scheme, land belonging to the company was requisitioned for conversion to allotments. In June 1941 K.U.D.C. approached the company concerning 1.7 acres of land lying adjacent to the abandoned site of the new inn at Morley Close, England Lane, Knottingley. The company sought an assurance of a quick return of the site at the conclusion of hostilities and an indemnification against any charge or tenant claim. (17) The council would brook no delay and in August requisitioned the site under the terms of the Lands (Allotments) Order 1939 at an annual rent of £4-19-0. (18) Alarmed, the company stressed the sole responsibility of the council as government agents and emphasised that it would not accept any charges arising from the eventual reconversion of the land. In reply, the council stated that the acquisition was subject to the usual conditions applicable under the Defence of the Realm regulations. The anxiety of the board was not entirely allayed and Mr Percy Bentley, a local auctioneer and valuer, was engaged to maintain a watching brief and ensure that no tenant right became attached to the occupied land. (19) In 1943 1,670 acres of land with a value of £455, situated at Upton was requisitioned by Hemsworth R.D.C. at a yearly rent of £1-10-0 but with an accompanying clause safeguarding the rights of the company with regard to tenant claims at the expiration of the enforced lease. (20)

An early feature of the war years was the removal of iron railings and gates from private property for use as scrap metal in the manufacture of armaments. Subsequent analysis has questioned the material value of the exercise which denuded many towns and villages of architectural enhancement for the sake of what has been claimed to be merely a public relations exercise to foster a dubious sense of public participation in the war effort. (21) The salvage drive, which was compulsory but open to appeal, affected the company. In December 1941 the company was notified by Doncaster R.D.C. of its intention to remove railings from the wall of the Royal Hotel, Norton. The company drew attention to the fact that for reasons of public safety the council had a legal obligation to erect a replacement fence with a gate. The council interpreted the response of the company as an objection to the proposal but following an assurance of co-operation, the railings were duly removed. (22) Nearer home, as late as April 1944 the Ministry of Works notified the company that railings and gates at company owned properties in Knottingley were scheduled for removal. The board resolved to attempt to retain the gates of the brewery estate but an appeal was ultimately dismissed “with regret” in May 1944. (23)

The extensive brewery estate was flanked by numerous mature trees, particularly large horse chestnut trees which lined the boundary on the southern flank of the site and were an adornment to the town as well as the brewery site. In addition, a variety of other trees grew in coppices within the brewery grounds. It is unsurprising, therefore, that the authorities should have regarded them as a valuable natural resource to aid the war drive. In October 1942 an offer of £40 was made by Captain H.R. Johnson for 60 lime and Dutch elm trees representing between 1,100 – 1,200 cubic feet of timber with the lime valued at 1s 1d and the elm at 9d per cubic foot, less 15% for bark allowance. Acceptance was deferred for an approach to be made to the government requesting an alternative price for the trees as they stood. (24) In reply the company received a government removal order together with a letter from Captain Johnson asking if the company would be more satisfied if the trees were sold “on measure” and it was agreed to accept the latter offer in accordance with the government’s price list. (25) A report of July 1943 stated that the trees from Lime Grove would realise £120 with lopped branches to be retained for the firewood.

As the threat of invasion receded and the R.A.F. gained air superiority following the Battle of Britain, the frenzied requisitioning which had characterised activity on the home front early in the war diminished. Nevertheless, civil defence and military organisations continued to utilise various company premises for the duration of the war, providing valuable supplementary income for the company.

The exigencies of war and and the shortage of materials created sundry problems for the company, not least in respect of distribution of goods. Quite apart from petrol rationing there was the difficulty of obtaining spare parts for the maintenance of company vehicles while replacement of vehicles was subject to form-filling and protracted delay so that replacement was greatly dependent upon second hand transactions.

In 1937 when the car used by the company traveller was reported to be

“in a very bad condition.”

the purchase of a new one merely depended upon approval by the board. When, however, the company lorry was written off following a collision in December 1940, the firm was extremely fortunate to obtain a second hand Morris Commercial for £125 which of necessity, provided service for a further five years. (26) The process of obtaining a replacement for the Morris began with the filling of an application form in August 1945 and was not completed until November 1946 when a Fordson, costing £444 was delivered, entering company service in January 1947. (27) Despite its age and outworn condition, the Morris Commercial was purchased by the Hemsworth dealer, T.J.Tait, for £60 following rejection by the company of an initial offer of £40. (28) The enhanced offer may have been a form of inducement for simultaneously the company placed an order with Tait for a 10 horse power Ford motor car. (29) During the protracted hiatus between the placing of the order and its fulfillment, a degree of improvisation was necessary, the company secretary soliciting the assistance of the parent company in order to procure an Austin car from B.Y.B. for a

“ very reasonable price.”

of £150 and arranging the sale of an existent outworn Austin to the son of a company tenant for £80 (30)

The consequent delay following the placement of an order for a 12 hp saloon car in July 1946, delivery of which was still pending in October 1948, resulted in substitution of the order for a Vauxhall Wyvern 1.5 litre saloon, costing £380 plus £97-19-5 purchase tax. Whether the substituted order was a tactical manoeuvre is unstated but the 10hp Ford was finally delivered in October 1949, while the old Austin which the Ford replaced was resold to the parent company for £50, revealing the degree of ‘juggling’ required by the officials of both companies, a skill which was to continue for almost a decade after the conclusion of the war. (31)

In January 1938 the licensee of the Willow Park Hotel, Pontefract, Mr Claude Firth, wrote to the company requesting a lease on four acres of land lying alongside the hotel. Firth, who had been the tenant of the hotel since 1933, enquired on behalf of himself and two business associates, J.W. Penty and Percy Smith. The trio sought a two year lease of the land with a renewal option, their intention being to establish a dog racing track. (32)

The reaction of the company was favourable for the idea was not a new one. As early as 1933 the tenant of the Greenfield Hotel, Upton, had suggested the establishment of a stadium for

“electric hare racing.”

on company owned land next to the hotel in an effort to draw the local population, a largely mining community with considerable interest in greyhounds, and thereby boost the trade of the hotel at a time when custom was affected by the economic recession. The company, equally keen to boost trade had readily agreed to the proposal. (33) In 1935 another greyhound racing track had been established on a company owned site adjacent to the Old Hall Inn, Great Houghton, by the licensee, Mr E.J. Button. (34)

The board instructed the company secretary to obtain the best terms possible concerning the Willow Park application and not accept less than £20 p.a. rent. In the event the lessees agreed to a lease of two years at £30 p.a. with an option of renewal for a further two year period. The Willow Park Hotel was designated as the H.Q. for the new venture, the licensee’s rent being adjusted to accommodate the leasehold charge. (35) The formal agreement was signed and sealed in May 1938 and despite increasing public concern at the prospect of war (or perhaps as an antidote) the track was well supported and the business successfully established. (36)

The outbreak of war shortly after the opening of the track resulted in the suspension of all public gatherings such as sporting events for fear of air attack. Owing to the hiatus in the six months or so referred to as the ‘Phoney War’, restrictions were partially lifted with small events of limited attendance being allowed. The easement may have influenced the triumvirate to seek the renewal of the Willow Park lease in February 1942. Initially, the company sought an increased rent to £50 p.a. but uncertainty concerning the effect of wartime conditions on public events resulted in modification of the demand and in March the company offered renewal of the lease for a five year period at £40 p.a. (37) It was not until May that the terms were accepted and only then with the proviso that if racing was curtailed due to the war only half the rent would be paid while the track was closed (38) A clause was added to the lease banning the sale of liquor without the permission of the company and to reinforce company control of such sales the Willow Park Hotel was redesignated as the H.Q. of the consortium who were also given the option of a further extension of the lease at the end of the current term. (39)

Meanwhile, the Great Houghton track had fallen into disuse following the death of E.J. Button. As a result, in February 1941 the company was offered the fixtures and fittings which the deceased had installed at the Upton track. The offer was accepted by the company who paid the sum of £250 which was then added to the valuation of the Old Hall Inn. (40) The incoming tenant, Mr H.O. Butterfield, took a lease of the dog track under a seemingly precarious financial arrangement. The promptness of the secretary in securing a deal suggests that the company was the prime mover, anxious no doubt to promote trade at the dilapidated inn by reopening the equally dilapidated dog track, (41)

For a specific section of the population the race meetings provided necessary relief from the harsh reality of daily life in wartime and consequently both venues were well patronised. The economic and cultural value of both venues was enhanced in 1943 when although the war was far from over, some existing restrictions were rescinded. The resultant effect emboldened J.W. Penty in December 1945, to seek renewal of the lease of the Willow Park stadium for a further seven years from the date of its expiration in 1947. The company, aware of the spending power of a public bent upon pleasure as the antidote to the recent war, hesitated to commit to the proposal before making a careful assessment of the likely medium term economic situation. The lessees were therefore asked to present a schedule of proposed improvements and expenditure to which it was assumed, they had already given consideration. (42) It was not until August 1946, however, that the details were provided. The company responded by offering to renew the lease for five years from August 1947 at an annual rent of £60 for the first three years and £75 for the two remaining years. (43)

The proposed improvements are unrecorded but given the material shortages allied to the bureaucratic delay arising from the necessary planning applications and building control licensing any proposals must have represented the triumph of hope over expectation. Realising the fact but with a nod to the inflationary trend carried over from the war, and with a guarantee that the lessees would not

“build on the land any hotel, tavern, inn or club, or any means of selling liquor.”

the lease was extended to 1952. (44)

With postwar crowds flocking to sporting events and in the wake of the Bolton football disaster in 1946, the attention of the company was drawn to the necessity of obtaining public liability insurance in respect of the dog track. (45) As a result, a clause was inserted into the leasehold agreements placing an obligation on the proprietors of the dog tracks. (46) At Willow Park, payment of an additional premium covered the lessees and third parties. Taking nothing for granted, however, the company secretary wrote to Penty to ensure the adequacy of the policy to indemnify the company and to reserve the right of the company to undertake periodic checks with the insurers in order to verify policy renewal and content. (47) A new agreement was prepared by the company solicitors in respect of the Great Houghton stadium based upon that applicable to Willow Park but including a clause specifying the obligation of the tenants to take out separate public liability insurance. The revised leasehold agreement also restricted the use of the field to dog racing and confirmed the reversion of the fixtures and fittings to the company upon termination of the lease. (48)

By 1950 both sites had been assessed for land valuation under the terms of the Town & Country Planning Act, 1947. The Act, designed to ensure local authority control over the building development of land outside built up areas, simplified the process of compulsory purchase by local councils of any site with developmental potential at a price not exceeding its 1939 value. The aim was to prevent speculative purchase of land by private developers with the resources to outbid those of the local authority. The Willow Park site, nominally valued at £985 was increased to £1,085 upon appeal by the company to the District Valuer in contrast to the Great Houghton site which was valued at a mere £230, (49)

If the valuations were the harbinger of local council housing development the prospect remained unrealised. At Pontefract such development was occurred at Chequerfield to the west side of Baghill and in February 1952 Penty applied for a five year renewal of the Willow Park lease effective from August. It was agreed that the rent would be £100 for the first three years rising to £115 for the two remaining. (50) The inclusion of a variable rental underlines the continuation of the inflationary trend which was to gain momentum in succeeding years with severe consequences for the national economy a generation later.

In October 1937 William Longmire who had entered into the tenancy of the Queen’s Head Hotel, Castleford, in 1935, was in debt to the company for goods supplied. (51)Longmire’s wife, whilst a widow, had taken out a mortgage with the Bingley Building Society on a dwelling house at 21 Parliament Street, Morcambe, Lancashire, (52) and as a safeguard against default in respect of the debt for goods received, in March 1938 a second mortgage was arranged favouring the brewery company (53)

When, in October 1943, the company was informed that the building society was preparing to foreclose on the Morcambe property it paid off the full amount owing on the and took over responsibility for the mortgage. (54) Between 1946-48 the company advanced money for the maintenance of the property and by the latter date the outstanding debt on the mortgage was £450-17-2 at which point Longmire asked if the company would accept a settlement of £200 to redeem the mortgage. (55) Following negotiation the sum of £304-19-9 plus legal charges was agreed. In August 1948, however, the company accepted the sum originally offered, writing off £145-17-9 of the outstanding debt. (56)

A further company owned property was the mineral water works at Burton Salmon which, as shown above, was obtained by the private initiative of T.J. Sides in 1926 following the liquidation of the manufacturer, Davis & Co., and subsequently transferred to company ownership. (57) The purchase mirrored a trend within the brewery trade at that period with brewery companies acquiring or establishing mineral water plants as the increased use of motorised transport reduced distribution costs. (58)

Under company ownership the mineral water factory was run on a shoestring to ensure economic viability and company records provide little indication of developmental plans and any which may have been under consideration were stifled by the downturn in trade from the late 1920s as shown by Sides’ decision, due to declining trade, to forego the annual commission awarded to him by the company for facilitating its acquisition of the plant. (59)

Following the B.Y.B. take over Sides suggested in June 1936 that the board consider improvements at the mineral water works at an estimated cost of £200. The board, whilst accepting the scope for development, felt that if suitable terms could be arranged with the parent company production could be transferred to their Woodlesford brewery thereby obviating duplication of production and delivery costs and being

“more economical in every way.”

Action was deferred pending analysis of samples of water from both sites and a subsequent report as the basis for an informed decision. (60)

Whether as a result of scientific analysis or the failure of the parent company to sanction the proposed move, production remained centred on Burton Salmon and in July 1935 part of an agreed extension to the works was undertaken by D.G. Birmingham Ltd., of Hull, at a cost of £100, followed in October by the installation of electricity at the plant. (61) Manpower remained sparse, however, and on the eve of the second world war consisted solely of a foreman/engineer, Mr H. Scholes, assisted by a part-time labourer and a driver/salesman who was employed to canvass company wares and deliver the same. (62)

The advent of war threatened production through fear that the sole vehicle belonging to the works would be commandeered for use by the emergency decree of the government and the enlistment of the workforce. (63) The latter prospect posed the real threat when the introduction of the Registration of Employment Order 1941 enabled the government to direct manpower to essential war work. Under the compulsory terms of the legislation Scholes was required to register and was duly informed of his reassignment to essential engineering work. An appeal by the company merely delayed the inevitable transfer and in March 1942 the company was notified of the implementation of the move. (64)

During the hiatus moves were also afoot to implement a government scheme of concentrated production concerning the mineral water industry. In February 1942 the brewery company received notification of the proposed scheme via the Yorkshire Mineral Water Manufacturers’ Association. As the company was not a member of the Association no representative attended the meeting arranged to consider the scheme. However, the implications for the workforce and indeed, continued production at the mineral water plant, arising from the impending loss of Scholes, prompted the company to become a member of the Association, paying a membership fee of four guineas in March 1942 (65). Through membership the company sought an accommodation with Morrison & Townend of Castleford whereby bottle washing and production methods compatible with company requirements would be undertaken on its behalf at a cost of 6d per dozen units, but each firm would undertake deliveries to their respective customers. (66) The arrangement was aborted, however, in consequence of the Castleford firm’s reluctance to commit themselves in view of the proposals for centralised control of the industry. When in August 1942 it was announced that all mineral water manufacturers would be licensed the following month as the preliminary to the establishment of a trade association to be established by January 1943, the company considered it expedient to join the proposed scheme and was licensed accordingly. (67)

Following the establishment of the Soft Drink Industry (War Time) Association trade competition was eliminated. A large number of factories faced compulsory closure while those which continued production ceased to trade under their pre war names being identified as numbered production units. (68) Ironically, one of the firms suffering enforced enclosure was Morrison & Townend while the Burton Salmon works which had been closed temporarily following the departure of Scholes was able to reopen in March 1943 following the training of the former delivery man, J.A. Sefton, as the mineral water manufacturer, assisted by a labourer engaged to wash and refill the bottles ready for dispatch. (69) It is of passing interest to note that whatever the burden of the workload, the weekly wage of £4 awarded to Sefton, was well in excess of the general wage rate applicable at that date. (70)

The S.D.I. Association was governed by a board of governors elected by representatives of its constituent companies, assisted by a small secretariat under the aegis of the Ministry of Food. Rationed for petrol and basic manufacturing ingredients and constrained by regulations affecting all aspects of production and distribution, including a fixed selling price, profit was variable being dependent to a large extent upon the ingenuity and efficiency of the producer. A proportion of any profit was pooled and shared amongst the members together with those manufacturers whose works had been closed. (71)

Productive capability far exceeded permitted levels which were set by restriction of materials and permitted gallonage, both based upon outdated calculations derived from pre war data which in 1945 and again, as late as 1948, drew unavailing protests from the brewery company seeking a more cost effective situation. (72) The context of such protest is set by the report concerning basic expenditure presented to the board in 1942. While the report drew no action from the board it indicated the narrow profit margins and the necessity for close monitoring of production costs. (73) As an Association member the company received bi-annual payment from the S.D.I. pool of between £1,000 and £1,500 which were merely palliative in nature, the company having to be content with restricted profit as opposed to non-production. (74) Dissatisfaction was further compounded when the imminent end of hostilities led to preparation for the winding up of the S.D.I. Association with a 3.3% reduction in payments in March 1945 to meet the cost involved. Postponement resulted in the imposition of a further levy in March 1947 and the Association was only finally disbanded in 1948. (75)

Anticipation of disbandonment also thwarted the plan of the company for expansion of mineral water production. Early in 1945 the directors had visited the site and subsequently decided to re-site and rebuild the factory. (76) The deferred end of the S.D.I. Association prevented the company furnishing information concerning projected production owing to the ongoing building plans. (77) The decision to rebuild was influenced in part by the depreciation of the machinery at the existing plant. The machinery appears to have presented no great problem throughout the war; no doubt due to Sefton’s expertise, recognised by the board in the form of high wages and generous gratuities. In the immediate post war period, however, the worn down machinery began to malfunction with attendant difficulties in obtaining replacement parts. (78) In addition, a temporary shortage of new and reusable bottles occurred, the parent company filling requirements until supply matched demand. (79) By far the greatest problem facing mineral water production was the water supply, the source of which was the on-site well. The questionable quality of the well water may have been the key factor in the decision to replace the mineral water works. A sample taken for analysis in mid 1945 proved to be of unsatisfactory quality and therefore whilst building approval was being obtained the services of a hydrologist was sought in an attempt to solve the problem at the Burton Salmon site. (80) In March 1946 the board gave its support to a resolution of the B.Y.B. directors that a sub- committee be formed to consider the desirability of its subsidiary company discontinuing the manufacture of mineral water and the process being absorbed by the parent company. (81) In May a decision was taken to place the rebuilding plan in abeyance. The factors prompting the decision were the continued existence of the S.D.I. Association for the foreseeable future, the difficulty of obtaining plant and machinery to furnish the new factory and the desirability of undertaking an assessment of future trade with particular reference to the supply of B.Y.B. houses, a three year research period being thought necessary. Of these considerations it is clear that the interest of B.Y.B. was paramount, Amalgamation of the two companies was three years distant but the background factors shaping this consideration defined the initial step. (82)

Meanwhile, production continued at Burton Salmon using well water which was less than satisfactory. In January 1947 Moritz & Fuller, having analysed a further sample of the water, advised purification of the well by chlorination and a thorough scraping of the walls. (83) The outcome was not as effective as was hoped and in May it was decided to send for analysis a sample of mains water to determine its suitability for productive use. The results of tests on four samples of soft drinks supplied for comparative analysis revealed that use of mains water to be

“very satisfactory.”

permitting its adoption for production purposes. (84)

By that time steps to wind up the S.D.I. Association had commenced. As early as January 1946 the company had received an invitation to join a proposed replacement organization and in October 1947 it was announced that subject to the approval of the Ministry of Food the dissolution of the S.D.I. Association would be completed by 31st January 1948. (85) Following the agreement to fully amalgamate with B.Y.B. Ltd., in 1949 the company resigned from membership of the new body although production continued at the Burton Salmon factory. By spring 1959, however, a combination of falling sales and deterioration of plant resulted in the decision to close the factory at the end of May. (86) J.A. Sefton who had worked on the site since 1921 was awarded £1 for each of his 38 years service. In the months which followed the plant and stock, together with the company lorry, were sold and the factory became defunct (87)

Osgoldcross R.D.C. made an approach to the company to acquire the site containing the factory and two cottages in June 1961. The company sought £3,000 but following an assessment by the District Valuer of £1,500 the company accepted that sum in January 1963. (88)

The conditions within the licensing trade which had impelled the establishment of clubs and the increase in the number of off-licence premises during the 1920s severely declined with the advent of economic depression and the war during the following decades. By 1950 only 10% of beer was sold in clubs and it was apparent that the perceived threat which had compelled brewers to have increasing regard to public house ambience and facilities in the inter-war period had been largely groundless. The awareness of the fact prompted the company, which had never invested heavily in clubs, to divest itself of those which it controlled.

A moiety of the Purston Hall estate, approximately 1150 square yards in extent, containing outbuildings close to the hall itself, had been purchased by Sides in 1928 and promptly transferred to the ownership of the company. Shortly after the transfer, Purston Workingmens’ Club took the tenancy under the aegis of the company.(89) Throughout the Depression the club struggled to maintain existence and was still active when upon the outbreak of the war in 1939 the military authorities placed a provisional requisition order upon the hall, together with all outbuildings and surrounding land. (90) The company secretary promptly arranged a reservation against military occupation of the club premises but the continued existence of the club was tenuous. In July 1940 it was stated that the club was likely to face prosecution for allowing gaming on the premises and for selling goods to non-members (91) A suggestion that the company solicitor keep a watching brief on events was dismissed by the board and a subsequent appeal by the Police to strike the club off the official register was dismissed by the Licensing Justices. The Police action however, combined with an awareness of the parlous financial state of the club made the company wary of over extending credit facilities by limiting the weekly supply of goods to £30. (92)

Despite the continued efforts of the committee and members to ensure its survival the company decided in March 1941 that it could no longer subsidise the club. In the face of the pressure to go into liquidation and vacate the club premises the club secretary informed the company of the intention to carry on. The company therefore served three months notice of quittance with effect from 1st April 1941. (93) The company were presented with a petition signed by 116 members but decided to enforce the closure which took place on the 30th June 1941. (94) In an ironic twist the military authorities agreed to relinquish control of the building the following month. All loose fixtures and fittings were removed by the company in order to ensure a void rating and the insurance was downgraded accordingly. (95)

The empty premises soon drew the attention of prospective tenants. Inspections were undertaken on behalf of the local Home Guard unit and also for the Ministry of Food, the latter being prepared to requisition the property should the Home Guard not require it. However, the latter did occupy the premises and in 1944 facing disbandonment and the derequisition of their headquarters, an approach was made to the company concerning the retention of the premises by the local Army Cadets. The company acquiesced, quoting the terms applicable to the Home Guard but with provision to pay the rent quarterly if desired. (96) When derequisitioning occurred in September 1945 the tenancy was sought by Featherstone Youth Council as a base for a Youth club and Army Cadets . Following a site inspection by the W.R.C.C. Youth Officer the company was asked if it would prefer an annual leasehold subject to three months notice by either side; an indefinite lease or to sell the property outright. (97) The board opted for the first choice with a rent of £65 p.a., plus rates and with decoration to be undertaken by the Youth Council. The W.R.C.C, sought modification of the terms with regard to maintenance and decoration and a delay occurred during which an offer was made by the Featherstone Clothing Co., to rent the premises or alternatively, purchase them for £450, a sum which was below the brewery company’s estimation and therefore deemed unworthy of consideration. (98) The approach did, however, allow the company to apply pressure to the Youth Council to take a prompt decision concerning the lease. The response was that while the Youth Council was willing to pay £65 p.a. it desired the company to take responsibility for maintenance and decoration. The company was unwilling to modify its terms and consequently the negotiations were aborted. (99)

A decision was next taken to sell the premises subject to the usual clause prohibiting the sale of liquor on the site and the property was placed for disposal in the hands of the estate agents Jackson, Stops & Staff. (100) Interest was shown by the York based West Riding Territorial Auxiliary Forces Association in May 1946. The tenancy was taken out on the company’s terms in February 1947 subject to three months notice by either party. The lease was agreed to the end of the year but in May the Association sought early release from its commitment which was rejected by the company. (101) The following month, however, in the light of several enquiries concerning the premises, the board reconsidered its position. An offer of £800 for the purchase of the property was made by Mr G.S. Bird of Sandal, Wakefield, on behalf of Birshall Ltd., The company sought £1,500 but was willing to accept £1,000 with the balance left on mortgage at 4% interest, the sale being subject to the usual prohibitions concerning the sale of alcohol. (102) Birshall obtained a three year lease at £100 p.a. with the option to purchase for £1,500 at any time during the period of the leasehold. (103) As the result of negotiations concerning proposed changes to the internal structure of the premises in October 1949 the sum of £1,200 was offered for the property and accepted by the company. (104) Birshall, however, appear to have experienced financial difficulty for in the spring of 1950 the firm wrote to the company explaining the delay in completing the purchase and seeking approval to leave £900 or £1,000 on mortgage for which concession it was willing topay annual interest of 5% and guarantee to reduce the outstanding amount by not less than £100 per year. Carters accepted a mortgage of £900 and the terms suggested by Birshall with the purchasers paying the legal costs. (105) In August 1950 the terms were formalized with Bishall to take full responsibility for repairs, etc, and insurance with regard to loss or damage through fire equal to 75% of the cost to rebuild in the event of total destruction. The insurance also had to cover

“bombardment by aircraft and other risks.”

Whether insistence on this clause arose from Cold War angst or post war trauma is uncertain. (106)

Like the ill-fated Purston W.M. Club, the Eastoff W.M. Club was administered under the aegis of the brewery company but unlike the Purston club had a more centralised location and therefore attracted greater support. Eastoff, however, was mortgaged to the company, with an outstanding balance on the initial loan of £123 by April 1944 when the capital amount was paid, leaving the company in possession of the deeds pending payment of the accrued interest on the loan. The company was obviously confident of repayment, allowing 18 gallons of free beer to the membership as a gesture of goodwill. (107) By September the interest on the loan was fully paid and the deeds returned to the Club committee. (108) In May 1965 when the committee applied to the company for financial assistance to enable it to build new premises the company had no hesitation in instructing Pennington, Hustler & Taylor to prepare plans and ageed to a £6,000 loan which was extended to £11,000 in November, to be paid at a minimum of £500 per year at 4% p.a. interest. (109) Provision was made for the reduction of the interest to 3% p.a.

“should trade show substantial increase.”

The company’s seeming benevolence was tempered by the other conditions of the loan which stipulated a ten year tie-in for 90% of sales on cask and bottled ales, wines and spirits regardless of the loan principal being paid or not. In addition to this near monopoly on the supply of goods the company held the first mortgage on the new premises. (110)

A third club associated with the brewery company was the Knottingley Conservative Club which in common with the Eastoff Club had weathered the adverse conditions of the Depression and war years and was able to discharge its debt to the company in March 1944. The settlement prompted the committee to seek the purchase of the land on which the club was situated which was valued at £225 on the company books but offered to the club for £250 (111) The offer was accepted and in July 1944 3,130 square yards of land was conveyed to Messrs Percy Bagley, Burton Arnold and Nicholas Tranmer, three prominent Knottingley businessmen who were the trustees of the Club. The transaction featured a clause stating that the clubhouse or any replacement was subject to the prohibition of the sale of liquor without infringing the right of the club members within the terms of the Licensing Act. (112)

By the mid 1930s the increase in vehicular traffic on the Great North Road, the country’s principal north-south route, necessitated an improvement scheme the adoption of which reflected the desire of the government to create work in order to alleviate mass unemployment arising from the severe economic conditions of the period. A proposed intersection on the site of the Darrington crossroads involved the widening of the roadway which necessitated the compulsory purchase and demolition of two inns belonging to the company.

The Crown Inn had been acquired by George William Carter in 1871. Carters’ brewery also supplied ale, spirits and associated goods to the licensed owner of the adjacent Ship Inn, who, falling into debt for the goods supplied, settled his debt by admitting Carter into part ownership in 1876, graduating to full ownership shortly thereafter. (13) By this acquisition Carter ensured a monopoly of trade on the stretch of road between Ferrybridge and Wentbridge, (114) Consequently, by the mid 1930s both inns were well patronized despite their somewhat run down appearance and dilapidated condition. The upgrading of the road enhanced the potential for business but the company faced with the loss of the inns and the surrender of their licences, needed to find an alternative outlet. Furthermore, the enforced action occurred at a disadvantageous time when the company, hit by recession, the bitter boardroom schism and resultant take over by B.Y.B. Ltd., was in an unsettled state.

Despite adverse circumstances and the financial strain imposed by heavy ongoing capital outlay the decision was taken to apply to build a new hotel as a replacement for the defunct inns and transfer the licence of the Ship Inn to the new premises. Implementation of the plan was dependent upon finding a suitable site adjacent to the new road and to that end the managing director, T.J. Sides, took charge of the project. (115)

Lying adjacent to the west side of the roadworks stood Darrington Hall and surrounding grounds belonging to the Southeron-Escourt family which preferred to reside on their Gloucester estate, leaving Darrington Hall to be leased to private tenants. (116) The combination of the Great War and the imposition of punitive death duties had hastened the declining status of the English aristocracy resulting in the fragmentation of the estates of the landed gentry. Mindful of this situation, in late 1935 Sides approached the trustees of the estate of the late T.E. Southeren-Escourt and offered £2,000 for Darrington Hall and estate. The offer was accepted subject to the agreement of the company to honour the existing tenancy which was not due to expire until Christmas 1937. (117) As the plans of the company were dependant upon completion of the road scheme the extant lease posed no problem.

By December 1936 the W.R.C.C. as agents for the Ministry of Transport, had offered the company £2,000 for the inn sites with provision for the licence transfer from the Ship Inn to the proposed new hotel. Following negotiation the compensatory sum was raised to £2,750 and almost simultaneously the conveyance of the hall and grounds was completed. (118)

The purchase of Darrington Hall and estate enabled the company to use a portion of the grounds lying adjacent to the new road as the site for the new hotel and in May 1937 plans with an estimated cost of £4,825 were submitted by the Pontefract builder, W. Barber, and approved by the company directors. (119) A further estimated cost of between £12,000 and £15,000 submitted by Samuel Jackson & Son for the fitting out and decoration of the new premises caused some consternation on the part of the board in the light of the company’s existing financial commitments. The alarmed directors therefore sought an amended costing on a more modest scale before submission of the plans to the Licensing Justices. (120) At the year’s end it was announced that the new premises named as the Darrington Hotel, would be open to the public by the following March. Arrangements were made to transfer the licence of the Ship Inn to the prospective tenant, Mr R.T. Bennett and to compensate the long-serving outgoing tenant of the Ship Inn the company agreed to forfeit several hundred pounds outstanding for goods received and pay a gratuity of £50 as a token of appreciation for services rendered upon closure of the inn. (121) In May 1939, however, the reluctance of the tenant to quit the Ship premises resulted in the threatened withdrawal of the concessions which ensured prompt evacuation of the inn. (122)

Meanwhile, between the purchase of the hall and the opening of the new hotel the company continued to let out the hall and gardens, first to Captain Harrison Topham and next to Major Henry Wills-Cole, the latter obtaining a clause enabling the lease to be terminated in the increasing likelihood of his being called away for military duty in the event of war. In September 1939 the lease was surrendered to Mr Philpott the erstwhile company traveller who had been appointed as company manager following the death of T.J. Sides in September 1937. Philpott then wrote to the G.O.C. Northern Command at York suggesting the use of the hall as a billet for the armed forces whist simultaneous efforts were being made by Jackson, Stops & Staff to obtain a purchaser for the hall. (123) The company was upstaged by dint of its own endeavour, however, when in May 1940 the hall was requisitioned by the Ministry of Defence for the duration of the war (124)

Following the cessation of hostilities the hall was derequisitioned and a claim for compensation lodged with the government on behalf of the company. The sum expected to be received as settlement of the claim was earmarked for the refurbishment of the Darrington Hotel the condition of which had depreciated during the war years. (125) In March 1946 the company received the sum of £1,328 but due to the shortage of materials in the immediate post war period was unable to obtain official authorisation for the planned work and refurbishment was deferred of necessity. (126)

Wartime conditions had also affected the trade of the hotel. In January 1940 within a year of the opening, the tenant gave notice to quit. Curtailment of trade was clearly at the root of the problem for the tenant had gone to considerable trouble and personal expense to obtain carpets and accessories for his private accommodation including the necessary purchase of anti-air raid blackout curtains (127) A further indication of stunted trade was the company’s appeal against the original rates levied upon the premises and payable by the company which, as a sop to the new tenant, Mr G.R. Stephenson, had excused him from payment of rent, rates and licence fee for six months with provision for a further extension if sales averaged less than the equivalent of five barrels per week. (128) Despite the criteria being met the margin was so narrow that the tenant, faced with the burden of the extra payment, threatened to quit and the company therefore extended the concession for a further half year. (129) Status quo was broken in March 1941 when the tenant stated that he

“could not see his way”

to make the required payment and the board was adamant that he should assume responsibility the following month. (130) One year on and little appreciable improvement in trade had occurred as restrictions on travel arising from petrol rationing combined with shortage of foodstuffs to curtail business. Attrition between the licensee and the company concerning responsibility for the disputed payments had arisen and continued beyond the course of the war, only partly assuaged by the promise of the latter to reconsider the terms of the tenancy should a further fall in trade occur. Finally, in the face of a rent increase symptomatic of rising prices, the tenant submitted his notice in November 1948. (131)

Clearly, the high hopes entertained at the time of the construction of the hotel had been dashed by the onset of war but despite the austerity of the post war period the hopes of the company were revived. It was not until the summer of 1947, however, that general economic conditions permitted consideration to be given to the need to make a greater effort to attract the passing trade. A decision was made to install a neon sign and floodlight the façade of the hotel only for the plan to be discarded on grounds of cost as much as the refusal of the local authority to sanction the work. The effect is seen in the diminished nature of the plan which began with a proposal for a brick pillar bearing a neon sign and by degrees of modification ended with a plywood sign erected in August 1948. (132)

The directors were also aware of deficiencies in the service offered by the hotel and as the restrictions caused by material shortages and rationing gradually eased a determined was made to boost trade. In 1948 the company decided to introduce evening meals (133) To facilitate the new service minor structural alterations including the construction of serving hatches and improvements to ventilation and lighting preceded redecoration. (134) New cutlery, crockery and table linen was purchased and also a refrigerator. The purchase of a lawn mower enabled the tenant to keep the exterior of the hotel presentable. (135) When the already disgruntled licensee objected to the proposed innovations the company proposed an exchange of tenancy between Stephenson and William Liversedge, tenant of the Royal Hotel, Norton. Having visited the Royal Hotel, Stephenson declined to exchange and in November 1948 quit the Darrington Hotel the tenancy of which was then taken by Liversedge. (136) Any improvement in trade was minimal, however, and while in 1949 consideration was given to the provision of extra bedrooms and architectural plans were actually prepared, it was ultimately decided to defer action. (137)

Although nominally under the control of the War Department, Darrington Hall stood unused, enabling the company to re-advertise it for sale at £4,000. (138) In 1945 the property had been provisionally transferred to the Ministry of Works as potential accommodation for German prisoners of war awaiting repatriation but was never used for that purpose. (139) Following derequisition the following year the hall and grounds were placed on the market at £2,500 or nearest offer, the company reserving its right to receive future compensation from the government. (140) In an effort to secure a sale the company secretary wrote to Sir Bernard Kenyon the chief clerk to the W.R.C.C., drawing his attention to the suitability of the property as a maternity home which the company was willing to sell at a reasonable price. The site was inspected but was stated to be unsuited to the needs of the County Council. (141) Interest was also shown by the Police Authority and the Youth Hostels Association but in each case the premises were adjudged unsuitable. (142) In December 1946, however, a Womersley based farmer and lime merchant, Mr David Scott, made a formal offer for the hall and estate, which included two cottages situated within the grounds. (143) By February 1947 a purchase price of £2,500 was agreed subject to the acceptance of the existing cottage tenancies and the usual clause prohibiting the sale of liquor on the site then or in future. (144) In October 1947. The sale was completed. (145)

If the purchase of Darrington Hall by the brewery company was a sprat to catch a mackerel, the Darrington Hotel which the purchase facilitated was something of a white elephant for under the aegis of the company the hotel never fulfilled its hoped for potential. While the effect of the war and its austere aftermath were factors inhibiting trade further considerations played a part. By 1950 when signs of recovery from the constraints of the previous decade were starting to appear, social attitudes were changing. Change was also apparent in the architectural practices which had informed the design and construction of the Darrington Hotel rendering the interior design somewhat outdated. Technical deficiencies with the ventilation system created continual problems and particular difficulty was experienced in keeping the beer cellar cool, largely due to the fact that the boiler for the hot water system had been installed therein. (146) Inadequate communication was not remedied until 1951 when a new telephone system was installed. As late as 1957 some bedrooms lacked hand wash basins and hot and cold water while also having inadequate lighting. It was reported that even the door of the public toilet lacked a lock. (147) Consideration was given by the board to such deficiencies but the financial demands of other company projects decreed that there was insufficient money available to fully rectify the hotel’s problems. A survey of the ventilation problem in 1950 recommended the installation of a refrigeration system costing £542 plus installation costs but the board baulked at the cost and settled for the cheaper, less efficient option of constructing shafts to assist circulation of the air and lagging the offending boiler and hot water pipes. (148) Minor structural alterations recommended in anticipation of facilitating more efficient service drew demands for amended estimates of cost while similar action applied to the provision of light fittings and bedroom accessories which when presented resulted in the indefinite postponement of the project. (149)

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NOTES: Chapter 16
1. 1415-3 p53 & p66
2. ibid p69, p101 & p109
3. ibid p140
4. ibid p69
5. ibid p103 & p106
6. ibid p77 & pp151-52
7. ibid p69 & p93
8. ibid p165. Unusually, the arrangements were made by the tenant on behalf of the company.
9. ibid p121
10. Spencer T. ‘Field Systems & Place-Names of Old Knottingley & Gazetteer of Knottingley Field & Place-Names’ (2005) pp320-30.
11. WYW 1415-3 p86 and copies of correspondence inserted pp85-86
12. ibid p123
13. ibid p66
14. ibid p131 & pp133-34
15. ibid p110, p119 & p121
16. ibid p116. The ancillary pump was purchased by the company for £25 in February 1946 c.f. ibid p336 & p351
17. ibid p137
18. ibid p142
19. ibid p162. The allotments were still in use in the 1950s and it was only with the construction of England Lane Junior School in that decade that they were reconverted. The land now forms part of the campus of Knottingley High School.
20. ibid p215
21. Calder A, ‘The Peoples’ War’ (paperback edition 2000) pp346-47 for a description of the range and diversity of sources.
22. WYW 1415-3 p161 & p163
23. ibid p253 & p255
24. ibid p196. Also c.f. Spencer T. ‘Lime Grove & the Carter Family’ in ‘Aspects of Local History: Knottingley Miscellania’ (forthcoming)
25. WYW 1415-3 p198 & p222. The horse chestnut trees which used to beautify the approach to the town along Hill Top were spared during the war only to be felled in 1950. The writer recalls his then schoolteacher, Mrs W. McMichael, deploring the felling which she regarded as tantamount to commercial vandalism. How right she was!
26. WYW 1415-2 p315 & 1415-3 p116
27. WYW 1415-4 p15
28. WYW 1415-3 p320. Despite its age and outworn condition the Morris Commercial was purchased by the Hemsworth vehicle dealer, T.J. Tate, for £60 following earlier rejection by the company of an offer of £40 c.f. WYW 1415-4 pp42-43
29. WYW 1415-4 p 47
30. ibid pp83-84
31. ibid p126 & pp176-77
32. WYW 1415-2 p343
33. ibid p150
34. ibid p172
35. ibid p343 & p346
36. ibid p361
37. WYW 1415-3 pp122-23 & p125
38. ibid p129
39. ibid p135 & p140
40. ibid p122
41. ibid p131 for details of the financial arrangement between Butterfield and the company.
42. ibid p339
43. ibid p372
44. WYW 1415-4 p24
45. At the 1947 F.A. Cup tie between Bolton Wanderers and Stoke City, 33 of the Burden Park crowd were killed when crush barriers gave way due to the pressure of the huge crowd. For the initial decision of the company to ignore Jepsons’ advice to increase its insurance policy value c.f. WYW 1415-4 p47
46. ibid p95 & p97
47. ibid pp97-98
48. ibid pp95-109 passim.
49. ibid pp213-15 & p260. For details of comparative land values c.f. Schedule of Central Land Board WYW 1415-14 n.p. and undated.
50. WYW 1415-4 p272 & p282
51. WYW 1415-2 p220
52. WYW 1415-14 Schedule of Company Deeds & Documents Item 145
53. WYW 1415-2 pp225-26 & p353
54. WYW 1415-3 pp231-32
55. WYW 1415-4 p17, p82 & p104
56. ibid p107, p111, p113 & p116
57. WYW 1415-2 p48 & WYW 1415-14, Schedule of Company Deeds & Documents item 114
58. Gourvish &Wilson, op cit p444
59. WYW 1415-2 p121
60. ibid p192
61. ibid p198 & p234
62. ibid p51 & p231. The part-time labour in 1939 was provided by the wife of the plant foreman.
63. WYW 1415-3 p42
64. ibid p127, p129, p172 & p176
65. ibid p189 & p171
66. ibid p172
67. ibid p189 & p191
68. I am indebted to Mr C. Emmins for this and other information concerning the S.D.I. (otherwise known as the Wartime Association) in correspondence undertaken on behalf of the British Soft Drinks Association.
69. WYW 1415-3 p199, p203 & p205
70. The father of the writer, too old for active service and working as a temporary insurance agent, in addition to his urban round, covered an enormous rural area, the work being undertaken by bicycle in all weathers, for which he received £2-15-0 per week at that time.
71. Emmins, loc cit.
72. WYW 1415-3 p356 & 1415-4 p81
73. WYW 1415-3 p185
74. ibid & WYW 1415-4 passim. Recorded amounts received by the company from the S.D.I. Pool are 1943=£1,350, 1944=£1,036 and 1946=£1,091
75. WYW 1415-3 p297, p301 & WYW 1415-4 p3
76. WYW 1415-3 p311
77. ibid p315
78. ibid p 292 & p311 & WYW 1415-4 p137
79. WYW 1415-3 p378 & WYW 1415-4 p70
80. WYW 1415-3 p314 & p325. In August 1946 Mr J.T. Hymas undertook work on the well at a cost of £30 c.f. ibid p379
81. ibid p357
82. ibid p362
83. WYW 1415-4 p33 & p38
84. ibid p44 & p78. Early in 1948 in response to a query from the Ministry of Health concerning the subterranean water supply, the company furnished details of the wells at the Burton Salmon and Knottingley Brewery sites. c.f. ibid p88
85. ibid & p62. The company joined the Yorkshire Mineral Water Manufacturers’ Association which regulated the price of products and allied charges. For list agreed 1948 c.f. WYW 1415-3 pp86-7, p339 & pp346-47
86. WYW 1415-4 p105, p111 & p138 for references to plant deterioration.
87. WYW 1415-5 p194 & p199. Also pp204-05 for details of sale prices.
88. ibid p261, p292 & p301
89. Photocopied extract of conveyance of sale WYW 1415-4 inserted pp193-94. However, WYW 1415-14, Schedule of Company Deeds & Documents, item 130, states that the property was leased for 3 years at £52 p.a. on the 14th September 1927
90. WYW 1415-3 p138
91. ibid p92 & p101
92. ibid p114
93. ibid p127
94. ibid p130 & p138
95. ibid p139 & p192
96. ibid p275
97. ibid pp326-28
98. ibid & p344
99. ibid p348 & p357
100. ibid p359
101. ibid p364 & 1415-4 p46
102. ibid p52
103. ibid p55, p69 & p86. For copies of agreement c.f. ibid pp69-70
104. ibid p166, p168 & p179
105. ibid p188 & p197. Also 1415-14 item 154 & ibid pp192-93 for details of site.
106. WYW 1415-4 p199
107. WYW 1415-3 p252 & p255
108. ibid p268 & p275
109. WYW 1415-6 p17 & p24
110. ibid p24
111. WYW 1415-3 p247. The clubhouse was the former pavilion of Carters’ Bowling Club before the premises were rebuilt c.f. Brewery History, Volume I p126
112. WYW 1415-3 p251 & p261
113. Spencer T. Brewery History, Volume I p108
114. WYW 1415-2 p27
115. Spencer T. ‘Thomas Jeffries Sides – Pontefract’s Forgotten Man’ in Norfolk M (ed) Pontefract Digest No.16, June 2006 pp5-7 & no.17 July 2006, pp5-6
116. Pontefract & Castleford Express 26-5-1988. I am indebted to Mr R. Van Riel, Curator, and Mr M. Wadsworth, Pontefract Museum, for this source and allied information.
117. WYW 1415-2 pp249-50
118. ibid pp270-71 & p284
119. ibid p299-300
120. ibid pp330-31
121. WYW 1415-3 p 31 & p47
122. ibid & pp51-2-52 & pp57-58
123. ibid p69 & p72
124. ibid p94
125. ibid p352
126. ibid p354
127. ibid p83
128. ibid p84 & p89
129. ibid p107
130. ibid p127
131. ibid p175 & 1415-4 p123. In 1946 the tenant paid £125 p.a. rent this was increased to £250 in October 1957 c.f. ibid pp18-19 & p135. By September 1965 the rent had reached a staggering £1,500 p.a. c.f. WYW 1415-5 p332
132. WYW 1415-3 pp58-59, pp69-69 & p84
133. ibid p119
134. ibid p149
135. WYW 1415-4 p133
136. WYW 1415-3 p123 & p127
137. WYW 1415-4 p154
138. ibid p283
139. ibid p315
140. WYW 1415-3 p364
141. ibid, p359 & p370
142. ibid p272, p277, p310, p 365
143. WYW 1415-4 p21 & p26
144. ibid p29
145. ibid. For copy of contract of sale c.f. insert pp57-58. In 1988 the hall and estate were offered for sale at which time the residence comprised the nineteenth century west wing of the old hall, the more ancient element having been demolished shortly after the war. c.f. Pontefract & Castleford Express 26-5-1988
146. WYW 1415-4 p221
147. WYW 1415-5 p127 & p133
148. WYW 1415-4 p200 & p202
149. WYW 1415-5 p140 & p151.

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